Abstract: Since Hankamer and Sag 1976, null complement anaphora (NCA) – as in Sue was attempting to kiss the gorilla, and Harry didn’t approve <> (H&S 1976: 411) – have been seen as an outlier of sorts among ellipsis phenomena. H&S show that English NCA is a ‘deep’ anaphor, or a null proform lacking internal structure at all points in the derivation. This distinguishes NCA from other ellipsis phenomena, such as verb phrase ellipsis, which are ‘surface’ anaphors, meaning that the ellipsis site has internal structure at some stage in the derivation. Subsequent research on NCA in other languages, such as Spanish and Italian (Depiante 2000), has supported the characterization of NCA as a deep sentential proform with no internal syntactic structure. Indonesian NCA, in contrast, does not neatly fit the profile of a deep anaphor. Although it has several characteristics proposed to be unique to deep anaphors – for example, it can be licensed by a non-linguistic antecedent – it also has several properties that indicate the presence of internal structure; for example, it permits extraction from the ellipsis site. In this talk, I describe Indonesian NCA, and argue that it is a surface anaphor. I discuss the potential implications of this for the typology of anaphora and of ellipsis phenomena.